Malta qiegħda tappoġġja l-Proposta ta' Awtonomija għas-Saħara tal-Punent bħala soluzzjoni sabiex jissolva l-kunflitt tas-Saħara tal-Punent. Madanakollu, din il-proposta tiċħad lill-poplu Saħrawi milli jaċċessa d-dritt bażiku tiegħu ta' awtodeterminazzjoni ('self-determination).
Petizzjoni mressqa minni li tiddefendi d-drittijiet tal-poplu Saħrawi.
F'dan l-artiklu qiegħed nippubblika l-verżjoni sħiħa u finali tal-petizzjoni li ressaqt lill-Ministeru tal-Affarijiet Barranin li titlob lill-Gvern Malti sabiex jirtira mill-appoġġ tiegħu lill-pożizzjoni tal-Gvern Marokkin u l-Proposta ta' Awtonomija għas-Saħara tal-Punent; illi ġiet proponuta mill-Marokk quddiem il-Kunsill tas-Sigurta' tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti bħala soluzzjoni għall-kunflitt tas-Saħara tal-Punent. Din il-proposta, madanakollu, qiegħda tiċħad lill-poplu Saħrawi; li jinsab taħt okkupazzjoni Marokkina; sabiex jagħżel id-destin tiegħu stess billi jingħata l-abbilita' li jivvota favur l-għotja ta' indipendenza minflok integrazzjoni mal-Marokk b'awtonomija limitata. Il-petizzjoni mressqa minni qiegħda titlob lill-Gvern Malti sabiex jiddikjara mill-ġdid appoġġ għad-dritt tal-poplu Saħrawi sabiex ikun jista' jikseb l-liberazzjoni tiegħu permezz tad-dritt ta' awtodeterminazzjoni ('self-determination').
Din ressqet minni f'isem ir-Repubblika Demokratika Saħrawi-Għarbija u l-Front Polisario, u ġiet ippreżentata direttament lill-Ministru tal-Affarijiet Barranin, l-Onor. Ian Borg, bħala rappreżentant tar-Repubblika ta' Malta u l-gvern tagħha fil-qasam tal-politika barranija, waqt laqgħa li saret fl-uffiċini tal-Ministeru tal-Affarijiet Barranin f'Santa Venera, nhar l-Erbgħa, 10 ta' Lulju 2024.
Tistgħu ssibu kopja tal-petizzjoni fl-aħħar parti tal-artiklu.
Il-kunflitt fis-Saħara tal-Punent; l-aħħar kolonja fl-Afrika.
Il-ħidma favur il-kawża tal-poplu Saħrawi tkompli. B'sodisfazzjon inħabbar li ngħatajt il-fiduċja mingħand il-Front Polisario u r-Repubblika Demokratika Saħrawi-Għarbija sabiex f'isimhom inressaq petizzjoni li tirrappreżenta l-aspirazzjonijiet leġittimi tagħhom rigward il-kunflitt preżenti fit-territorju kkontestat tas-Saħara tal-Punent. Matul dawn l-aħħar xhur kont f'kuntatt ma' bosta rappreżentanti, ambaxxati u delegazzjonijiet tal-Front Polisario, li huwa rikonoxxut min-Nazzjonijiet Uniti bħala l-unika entita' leġittima li tirrappreżenta l-aspirazzjonijiet tal-poplu Saħrawi. Il-poplu Saħrawi huwa poplu indiġenu għat-territorju tas-Saħara tal-Punent, li huwa territorju li jinsab fl-Afrika ta' Fuq u li preżentament jinsab taħt okkupazzjoni illegali tal-Marokk, wara li dan il-pajjiż ġirien kien invada u annessa dan it-territorju fl-1975 bi ksur tal-liġi internazzjonali. In-Nazzjonijiet Uniti tikkunsidra lil dan it-territorju bħala wieħed minn sbatax-il territorju mhux awtonomu li għadhom ma għaddewx minn proċess ta' dekolonizzazzjoni. Il-Front Polisario, illi qiegħed jirreżisti l-okkupazzjoni illegali Marokkina, qiegħed javvoka għat-tmiem tal-preżenza illeġittima Marokkina sabiex il-poplu Saħrawi jkun jista' jeżerċita d-dritt tiegħu ta' awtodeterminazzjoni (self-determination), illi huwa dritt garantit lilhom minn riżoluzzjonijiet tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti u li huwa bbażat fuq il-liġi internazzjonali.
Madanakollu, ftit li xejn saru sforzi konkreti sabiex dan id-dritt jingħata. Fl-1991, wara kunflitt armat qalil bejn il-Front Polisario u l-Marokk li dam għaddej għal sittax-il sena sħaħ, in-Nazzjonijiet Uniti b'suċċess innegozjat ftehim bejn iż-żewġ naħat sabiex ikun hemm waqfien mill-ġlied. Ir-riżultat ta' dan il-ftehim kien illi t-territorju temporanjament ġie maqsum f'żewġ amministrazzjonijiet; l-amministrazzjoni Marokkina fuq madwar 80% tat-territorju; medda ta' art li tinkludi il-kosta u l-iżjed riżorsi naturali rikki li jinsabu fit-territorju, u l-amministrazzjoni tal-Front Polisario fuq madwar 20% tat-territorju. Madanakollu, dan l-arranġament kellu jkun wieħed temporanju, hekk kif in-Nazzjonijiet Uniti kienet stabbilixxiet missjoni sabiex jiġi organizzat referendum, sabiex b'hekk il-poplu Saħrawi jkun jista' jeżerċita d-dritt ta' awtodeterminazzjoni; billi jivvota favur l-għotja ta' indipendenza għat-territorju, jew billi jivvota favur l-integrazzjoni tat-territorju mal-Marokk, jew possibbilment ma' pajjiż ġirien ieħor bħall-Mawritanja. Madanakollu, dan ir-referendum qatt ma twettaq minħabba li l-Marokk imblukkat kull attentat għat-twettiq ta' referendum b'diversi mezzi; fosthom billi trasferiet għadd ta' insedjanti illegali Marokkini sabiex jgħixu fil-parti okkupata tas-Saħara tal-Punent, u li llum jifformaw il-maġġoranza tal-popolazzjoni tat-territorju u ġabu lill-poplu Saħrawi f'minoranza. Dan it-trasferiment illegali ta' insedjanti kkaġuna nuqqas ta' qbil bejn il-Marokk u l-Front Polisario, hekk kif il-Marokk qiegħda tinsisti li dawn l-insedjanti għandhom ukoll jivvotaw f'dan ir-referendum propost, minkejja li qabel ma nvadiet il-Marokk, dawn qatt ma kellhom xi konnessjoni mal-poplu Saħrawi jew mat-territorju. Dan huwa evidentament attentat sabiex jinfluwenza r-riżultat tar-referendum, għaliex storikament, il-poplu Saħrawi dejjem kien favur l-għotja ta' indipendenza għat-territorju;
''During its visit to the territory," [the UN mission] reported, "the mission did not encounter any groups supporting the territorial claims of neighbouring countries and consequently had no say of estimating the extent of their support, which appeared to be submerged by the massive demonstrations in favour of independence.''
Il-Marokk qatt ma ried illi dan ir-referendum jiġi organizzat għaliex jaf illi l-maġġoranza assoluta tal-poplu Saħrawi huwa favur l-għotja ta' indipendenza għas-Saħara tal-Punent. Dan il-fatt storiku huwa kkonfermat minn missjoni mibgħuta min-Nazzjonijiet Uniti fl-1975, illi sabet illi l-Front Polisario huwa l-forza dominanti fit-territorju u li l-moviment favur l-indipendenza jikkonsisti l-maġġoranza tal-poplu Saħrawi. Għalhekk; filwaqt illi baqa' jopponi u jimblukka kull attentat li jagħti l-poplu Saħrawi sabiex jiddetermina d-destin tiegħu stess permezz ta' għażla ħielsa; fis-sena 2006, il-gvern Marokkin ħabbar il-proposta tiegħu sabiex tinstab soluzzjoni għal dan il-kunflitt bl-isem ta' 'Western Sahara Autonomy Proposal' (Proposta ta' Awtonomija għas-Saħara tal-Punent). Minkejja li din il-proposta għandha tiggarantixxi l-għotja ta' forma ta' governanza awtonoma għall-poplu Saħrawi, din l-awtonomija hija restritta minħabba li l-istess proposta tisħaq illi t-territorju għandu jibqa' taħt is-sovranita' tal-Marokk. Din il-proposta għalhekk tiċħad l-għotja ta' indipendenza għall-poplu Saħrawi u ma tinkludix il-possibbilita' ta' referendum demokratiku sabiex b'hekk il-poplu Saħrawi jkun jista' jiddeċiedi b'mod liberu d-destin tiegħu. Minflok, il-gvern Marokkin xorta waħda ser ikollu l-irwol illi jammisitra bosta oqsma kruċjali, fosthom l-affarijiet barranin u r-relazzjonijiet diplomatiċi, id-difiża u s-sigurta' tat-territorju u anke l-ekonomija, hekk kif il-munita maħsuba sabiex tintuża fit-territorju xorta waħda hija d-Dirham Marokkina. Minbarra dawn l-irwoli, il-liġijiet illi jkunu japplikaw għat-territorju huma maħsuba li jkunu l-istess għal dawk tal-Marokk, u għalhekk il-gvern Marokkin xorta waħda ser ikollu ġurisdizzjoni legali fuq it-territorju. Din il-proposta hija kontradizzjoni tal-liġi internazzjonali, hekk kif din tiċħad il-poplu Saħrawi d-dritt li jiddeċiedi dwar l-istatus tat-territorju billi eliminat il-possibbilita' ta' referendum li jinkludu l-għażla bejn indipendenza jew integrazzjoni. Minbarra dan, wieħed għandu jikkunsidra li preżentament il-Marokk m'għandu l-ebda sovranita' rikonoxxuta li biha huwa jista' jinforza kwalunkwe preżenza u ħakma fuq it-territorju, minħabba li dan it-territorju qatt ma ġie trasferut lill-Marokk permezz ta' proċess skont il-liġi internazzjonali.
Kemm l-Istati Uniti u kemm il-maġġoranza tal-pajjiżi membri tal-Unjoni Ewropea, inkluż Malta, iddikjaraw appoġġ għall-proposta li tressqet mill-Marokk, minkejja li l-proposta mressqa ġiet tikkontradiċi s-soluzzjonijiet illi kienu tressqu min-Nazzjonijiet Unti fis-sena 1991 fil-proposta magħrufa bħala 'Settlement Plan', illi kienet tisħaq fuq il-ħtieġa li l-poplu Saħrawi jingħata l-opportunita' li jipparteċipa f'referendum demokratiku li jinkludi l-għażla ta' indipendenza. Il-Marokk b'mod konsistenti baqgħet timblokka l-possibbilita' li jsir dan ir-referendum. Min-naħa tagħha, in-Nazzjonijiet Uniti baqgħet b'mod konsistenti tirrifjuta milli tirrikonoxxi s-sovranita' tal-Marokk fuq it-territorju sa mill-bidu tal-kunflitt fit-territorju, hekk kif fis-sena 1975, il-Qorti Internazzjonali tal-Ġustizzja ddikjarat illi kemm il-Marokk u kemm il-Mawritanja ma kellhom l-ebda sovranita' fuq is-Saħara tal-Punent u għalhekk ma setgħux jannessaw dan it-territorju qabel ma jitwettaq referendum. Din id-dikjarazzjoni mhux biss tikkonferma li l-illegalita' tal-okkupazzjoni tal-Marokk fit-territorju, iżda timplika wkoll illi l-poplu Saħrawi għandu d-dritt illi jiġi lliberat bħall-bqija tal-kolonji l-oħrajn fil-Afrika, b'konformita' mal-politika tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti dwar il-proċess ta' dekolonizzazzjoni skont kif tfasslet f'riżoluzzjoni numru 1415. Fil-ġudizzju tagħha dwar il-każ imressaq mill-Marokk u l-Mawritanja, il-Qorti Internazzjonali tal-Ġustizzja kienet irrifjutat it-talba taż-żewġ pajjiżi sabiex jannessaw it-territorju, u kkonfermat li l-poplu Saħrawi għandu d-dritt għal awtondeterminazzjoni;
''On the other hand, the Court’s conclusion was that the materials and information presented to it did not establish any tie of territorial sovereignty between the territory of Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco or the Mauritanian entity. Thus the Court did not find any legal ties of such a nature as might affect the application of the General Assembly’s 1960 resolution 1514 (XV) — containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples — in the decolonization of Western Sahara and, in particular, of the principle of self-determination through the free and genuine expression of the will of the peoples of the territory.''
Illum, masħub illi iżjed minn 200,000 refuġjat Saħrawi qiegħed jgħix f'kampijiet ta' refuġjati fid-deżert tal-Alġerija, 'il bogħod minn arthom, fejn ilhom jgħixu sa mis-sena 1975. Ħafna minn dawn ir-refuġjati huma dixxendenti ta' Saħrawi li ġew imkeċċija minn arthom waqt il-gwerra li segwiet l-invażjoni illegali tal-Marokk fis-sena 1975, filwaqt illi oħrajn ħarbu mit-territorju okkupat għaliex kienu vittmi ta' persekuzzjoni politika ħarxa mir-reġim Marokkin. It-territorju tas-Saħara tal-Punent huwa fost l-iżjed postijiet oppressivi fid-dinja. Il-minoranza Saħrawija li baqgħet fit-territorju huma esposti għal trattament li ġie deskritt bħala wieħed inuman u diskriminatorju. Kwalunkwe attivita politika fit-territorju, partikolarment favur l-indipendenza hija suppressata b'mod vjolenti permezz tal-forzi Marokkini; li jipprevjenu kwalunkwe protesti, dimostrazzjonijiet, liberta' tal-espressjoni jew ġurnaliżmu. Dawk id-dissidenti li ma jikkoperawx huma suġġetti sabiex jiġu arrestati mingħajr proċess ġudizzjarju ġust jew smigħ fil-qrati, torturi u swat mill-pulizija stess, u saħansitra jinqatlu mill-frozi Marokkini. Minħabba li r-reġim Marokkin jillimta attivita' ġurnalistika fit-terrtitorju, huwa diffiċli sabiex wieħed jingħata għarfien fid-dettall tas-sitwazzjoni inkwetanti tad-drittijiet umani fit-territorju, u għalhekk bosta Saħrawi ġew iddikjarati bħala ''sparixxuti'' matul dawn l-aħħar diċenji. Ma nistgħux inħallu din is-sitwazzjoni tibqa' għaddejja u nibqgħu passivi; Malta, flimkien mal-bqija tal-komunita' internazzjonali, trid tieħu pożizzjoni favur il-ġustizzja billi tieħu pożizzjoni favur il-poplu Saħrawi u tikkundanna mingħajr ebda kundizzjoni l-okkupazzjoni illegali Marokkina fit-terrtorju.
Aqra iżjed dwar il-Kunflitt tas-Saħara tal-Punent billi tafgħas hawn.
Ittra mibgħuta lill-Prim Ministru, fejn għamilt talba sabiex inressaq petizzjoni li tipproponi bdil fil-pożizzjoni ta' Malta rigward il-kunflitt tas-Saħara tal-Punent.
Għażiż Prim Ministru,
Qiegħed nippreżenta petizzjoni lill-Ministru tal-Affarijiet Barranin rigward il-pożizzjoni tal-Gvern Malti dwar il-kunflitt tas-Saħara tal-Punent permezz tat-talba tiegħi għal laqgħa mal-istess Ministeru, jekk inhu possibbli f'data fejn ikun possibbli għal Ministru sabiex ikun preżenti sabiex nippreżentaha lilu.
Għalfejn qiegħed nippreżenta din il-petizzjoni:
Matul dawn l-aħħar xhur bdejt l-attiviżmu tiegħi favur din il-kawża ġusta sabiex jitqanqal iżjed għarfien ġewwa Malta dwar il-kunflitt ġewwa s-Saħara tal-Punent u dwar l-okkupazzjoni brutali li l-Marokk qiegħed jagħmel f'dan it-territorju bi ksur tal-liġijiet internazzjonali u ta' riżoluzzjoni wara oħra tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti. L-għan tiegħi huwa li noffri appoġġ lill-poplu Saħrawi u li nirrappreżentahom ġewwa Malta bil-kunsens tagħhom u tar-rappreżentanti tagħhom; il-Front Polisario u bosta għaqdiet u organizzazzjonijiet oħrajn favur din il-kawża ġusta għal-liberazzjoni ta' dan il-poplu.
Kemm ili li bdejt din l-inizjattiva ta' solidarjetà diġà wettaqt kampanji lokali sabiex ikunu jistgħu jinġabru flus għar-refuġjati Saħrawi ġewwa Tindouf l-Alġerija; fejn kont involut fil-bini ta' skola ġdida fil-kamp ta' Awsard; wieħed mill-ħames kampijiet tar-refuġjati Saħrawi. Għamilt kuntatt ma' bosta għaqdiet u NGOs kemm f'Malta u kemm madwar id-dinja; fosthom f'pajjiżi bħall-Arġentina, Spanja, l-Afrika t'Isfel, l-Iżvezja u anke r-Renju Unit. Sar ukoll kuntatt mal-gvern u anke ma' missjonijiet diplomatiċi u ambaxxati assoċjati mar-Repubblika Demokratika Saħrawi Għarbija u l-Front Polisario li ġejt rikonoxxut minnhom u li qegħdin joffru l-appoġġ u l-inkoraġġiment sħiħ tagħhom għall-inizzjattiva tiegħi ta' solidarjetà mal-poplu Saħrawi.
Għalhekk, nixtieq li niltaqa' mal-Ministru tal-Affarijiet Barranin sabiex inkun nista' nispjega u nressaq petizzjoni f'isem il-Front Polisario u għaqdiet u NGOs internazzjonali li huma assoċjati mal-kawża tal-poplu Saħrawi. Il-petizzjoni hija relatata mal-pożizzjoni ta' Malta dwar il-kunflitt u nixtieq li nkun nista' nippreżentawha personalment lill-Ministru u nispejga x'nixtieq nara differenti mill-pożizzjoni li Malta ħadet riċentament dwar dan il-kunflitt. Din il-petizzjoni qiegħda titressaq fid-dawl tal-irwoli importanti li Malta qiegħda tokkupa fil-Kunsill tas-Sigurta’ u fl-OSCE. Nixtieq li Malta tieħu pożizzjoni iżjed ġusta dwar dan il-kunflitt u tirrispetta d-dritt tal-poplu Saħrawi sabiex jikseb id-dritt ta’ ‘self-determination’ kif huwa intitolat għalih.
X'qiegħda titlob il-petizzjoni:
Il-petizzjoni qiegħda titlob lill-Gvern Malti sabiex jibqa' jikkopera mal-pożizzjoni tan-Nazzjonijiet Uniti, tal-Qorti Internazzjonali tal-Ġustizzja u tal-Qorti Ewropea tal-Ġustizzja li kollha qablu li t-territorju tas-Saħara tal-Punent mhuwiex territorju Marokkin u għaldaqstant mhuwiex legali u ġust li dan it-territorju jitpoġġa taħt sovranità Marokkina mingħajr l-eżerċitazzjoni tad-dritt tal-poplu Saħrawi għad-dritt ta' 'self-determination'; dritt li mhuwiex offrut permezz tal-awtonomija li qiegħed jipproponi l-Gvern Marokkin. Għalhekk, il-petizzjoni titlob lill-Gvern Malti sabiex jerġa' jikkunsidra l-appoġġ tiegħu għall-pożizzjoni tal-Marokk. Jekk ningħata l-opportunità ta' laqgħa mal-Ministru, inkun nista' nispjega iktar fid-dettall u b'evidenza konkreta għalfejn qiegħed nitlob li dan iseħħ.
Din il-petizzjoni diġà sabet l-appoġġ personali ta':
• Il-Front Polisario, inkluż il-Ministeru tal-Affarijiet Barranin tar-Repubblika Demokratika Saħrawi Għarbija.
• L-Eċċ. Sidi Omar f'isem id-delegazzjoni tal-Front Polisario għall-Ġeneva u n-Nazzjonijiet Uniti.
• Ir-rappreżentanti tal-Front Polisario fl-Afrika t'Isfel, permezz tal-Ambaxxatur tar-Repubblika Saħrawija għall-Afrika t'Isfel.
• Ir-rappreżentanti tal-Front Polisario fl-Arġentina, permezz ta' komunikat ma' Frente Polisario en Argentina.
• Cocina por el Cambio - organizzazzjoni Spanjola li tassisti r-refuġjati Saħrawi f'Tindouf, l-Alġerija.
• SandBlast Charity - organizzazzjoni Ingliża li tassisti r-refuġjati Saħrawi f'Tindouf, l-Alġerija.
• Solidarity Rising - kampanja ta' attiviżmu internazzjonali minn ċiklisti mill-Iżvezja b'appoġġ għall-kawża Saħrawija.
• UESARIO - il-fergħa uffiċjali tal-Front Polisario ddedikata għall-istudenti Saħrawi bbażata f'Tindouf, l-Alġerija.
• AAPRP International (All African People's Revolutionary Party); partit politiku xellugi internazzjonali u pan-Afrikan.
• Saharawi Voice - organizzazzjoni Saħrawija li tinkludi attivisti u ġurnalisti ċiviċi favur il-kawża Saħrawija.
• Equipe Media - organizazzjoni Saħrawija bbażata fis-Saħara tal-Punent okkupata li tinkludi ġurnalisti Saħrawi ppersegwitati.
(Din il-lista mhijiex neċessarjament finali).
Nittama li tilqa' din it-talba li qiegħed nagħmel f'isem l-aspirazzjonijiet leġittimi li għandu l-poplu Saħrawi permezz tal-kunsens mogħti lili mingħand ir-rappreżentanti tiegħu u nixtieq li meta jkun possibbli niltaqa' mal-Ministru sabiex inkun nista' niddiskuti dan is-suġġett u jekk huwiex possibbli li r-rakkomandazzjonijiet annessi fil-petizzjoni jiġux implimentati mill-gvern. Nittama li din il-laqgħa sseħħ f’data fejn ikun possibbli li l-Ministru jkun preżenti fiżikament, kif inhu ideali.
Tislijiet sinċiera,
Eman Farrugia.
Jekk jogħġbok, aġġornani fuq il-progress sabiex din il-laqgħa sseħħ billi tagħmel kuntatt miegħi fuq emanfarrugia237@gmail.com.
Verżjoni sħiħa bl-Ingliż tal-petizzjoni ''Supporting a Solution in Western Sahara Based on Human Rights, International Law and Self-Determination''.
SUPPORTING A SOLUTION IN WESTERN SAHARA BASED ON HUMAN RIGHTS, INTERNATIONAL LAW AND SELF-DETERMINATION.
THIS PETITION IS PRESENTED TO THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA WITH THE APPROVAL OF THE SAHRAWI ARAB DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC.
PRESENTED BY EMAN FARRUGIA.
THIS PETITION IS SUPPORTED BY:
• The POLISARIO Front;
Through their official representatives in the United Nations, Argentina and South Africa.
• Cocina por el Cambio;
A Spanish organization that assists Sahrawi refugees in refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria.
• SandBlast Charity;
A British organization that assists Sahrawi refugees in refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria.
• Solidarity Rising;
An international activism campaign by cyclists from Sweden in support of the Sahrawi people through raising awareness.
• UESARIO (Sahrawi Youth Union);
The official branch of the POLISARIO Front dedicated to Sahrawi youths and students based in Tindouf, Algeria.
• AAPRP International (All African People's Revolutionary Party);
A left-wing, Marxist, pan-African political party, with members recruited from 33 countries.
• Saharawi Voice;
A non-governmental organisation founded by Sahrawi youths and dedicated to activism for the Sahrawi cause.
• Equipe Media;
A Sahrawi non-governmental organization based in the occupied Western Sahara that conducts journalism through civic journalists.
A MESSAGE FROM HIS EXCELLENCY MR. SIDI MOHAMMED OMAR; THE POLISARIO FRONT’S REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONS IN GENEVA AND NEW YORK.
Hello friends of Western Sahara in Malta,
Our representative in Argentina forwarded to me your message and email address.
I would like to thank you so much for your solidarity with our people. We highly appreciate your efforts to raise awareness about our question in Malta, especially at a time when your country is a non-permanent member of the Security Council.
Why the “autonomy” proposal made by Morocco, the occupying power of Western Sahara, is illegal and utterly unacceptable?
Let us start by some key facts:
1. Since including Western Sahara, within its internationally recognised borders, on the list of the Non-Self-Governing Territories of the Special Committee on Decolonisation in 1963 (Resolution 1956 (XVIII) of 11 December 1963), the United Nations General Assembly and its subsidiary bodies have consistently addressed Western Sahara within the scope of Chapter XI of the UN Charter, recognising the international status of the Territory as a Non-Self-Governing Territory as well as the responsibility of the United Nations towards the Sahrawi people and the decolonisation of the Territory.
2. In its landmark Advisory Opinion on Western Sahara, dated 16 October 1975, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is the principal judicial body of the United Nations, concluded that “The materials and information presented to it do not establish any tie of territorial sovereignty between the territory of Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco or the Mauritanian entity. Thus, the Court has not found legal ties of such a nature as might affect the application of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) in the decolonisation of Western Sahara and, in particular, of the principle of self-determination through the free and genuine expression of the will of the peoples of the Territory” (para. 162).
3. The decolonisation process of Western Sahara was interrupted forcibly by Morocco which, contrary to its earlier commitment to the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination, invaded and occupied militarily the Territory on 31 October 1975 in violation of the Charters of the United Nations and the Organisation of the African Unity (OAU) and their relevant resolutions on Western Sahara.
4. The UN and all international and regional organisations have never recognised as legal the Moroccan occupation and annexation of Western Sahara. More precisely, in its Resolutions 34/37 of 21 November 1979 and 35/19 of 11 November 1980, the UN General Assembly deeply deplored the aggravation of the situation resulting from “the continued occupation of Western Sahara by Morocco”.
5. The above facts, among others, confirm that Morocco does not exercise any sovereignty over Western Sahara, and that its presence in the Territory is an illegal, forcible occupation in violation of the UN Charter and the fundamental principle of the inadmissibility of acquisition of territories by force. As such, it does not produce any legal effects on the international status of the Territory.
6. The right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination has been recognised in numerous resolutions by the UN General Assembly and the UN Security Council. In its first resolution on Western Sahara, adopted on 22 October 1975, the Security Council reaffirmed the terms of General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 and all other relevant General Assembly resolutions on the Territory.
7. Both in the case of Western Sahara and other decisions, the ICJ affirmed that the exercise of self-determination, by its very nature, entails “the need to pay regard to the freely expressed will of peoples”. While the exercise of self-determination may be achieved through one of the options laid down by General Assembly Resolution 1541 (XV), the process must be the outcome of the free expression of the genuine will of the people concerned, which constitutes the basic pillar of the right of self-determination.
8. The essence of the right to self-determination is free choice. In this sense, no genuine and credible exercise of the right to self-determination in the case of Western Sahara can be envisaged without the Sahrawi people, and only the Sahrawi people, making a free choice to determine their political status under the optimal conditions of freedom, fairness, and transparency and without any military or administrative constraints.
9. The right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination and independence therefore is neither renounceable nor negotiable and cannot be affected by the lapse of time or forfeited by the Moroccan illegal invasion of Western Sahara in 1975 or its subsequent unlawful annexation of the Territory. As a corollary, only the Sahrawi people have the right to decide, through the free and genuine expression of their will, the political status of the Territory of Western Sahara in accordance with relevant General Assembly resolutions.
In view of the above, it can safely be affirmed that:
1. Morocco, the occupying power of Western Sahara, cannot grant an “autonomy” or any other type of territorial arrangements or otherwise to Western Sahara and its people, because Morocco does not have any internationally recognised sovereignty or administrative jurisdiction over the Territory. Morocco is simply an occupying power as confirmed by the relevant UN General Assembly resolutions.
2. The proposed “autonomy” undermines the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination and to determine freely their political status because it prejudges and predetermines the outcome of their choice by limiting it to only one option, i.e., “autonomy”, which would be tantamount to Morocco’s making the choice instead of the people of Western Sahara. This would clearly be inconsistent with the right of self-determination under international law and relevant UN resolutions.
3. The proposed “autonomy” eliminates the independence option, which is one of the three options among which a people of a Non-Self-Governing Territory can choose in accordance with UN General Assembly resolution 1541 (XV). Moreover, independence has always been the demand of the Sahrawi people under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO and cemented by decades of resistance to colonialism and occupation, and the establishment of the Sahrawi State (SADR).
4. The proposed “autonomy” is very dangerous not only because it cannot be the basis for achieving a just, durable, and sustainable peace as it would violate the principles of international law, but also because it would reward Morocco for illegally using force to occupy Western Sahara.
In conclusion, the “autonomy” proposal made by Morocco, the occupying power of Western Sahara, is illegal and therefore it is utterly unacceptable because Morocco does not have any sovereignty over Western Sahara. Because Morocco is an occupying power of Western Sahara, it cannot grant it any “autonomy” or the like. The proposal undermines the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination and to determine their political status freely. Therefore, it can never be contemplated by any state or organisation that respects the fundamental rules of international law that prohibit the use of force to acquire territories and to deprive a people of a Non-Self-Governing Territory of their right to self-determination. In a rules-based world, political expediency can never justify violation of international law, and might can never be allowed to make right.
Once again, thank you immensely for your solidarity. Please keep us updated on your activities and initiatives.
Kind regards,
Sidi Omar.
‘’In early 1975, both Morocco and Mauritania agreed to abide by the decision of the International Court of Justice on the status of the Spanish Sahara, but when the court ruled in October 1975 that neither country was entitled to claim sovereignty over the territory, both governments chose to ignore the decision.’’
- United States Library of Congress Study of Mauritania (1990).
‘’The Madrid Agreement did not transfer sovereignty over the Territory, nor did it confer upon any of the signatories the status of an administering Power, a status which Spain alone could not have unilaterally transferred.’’
- (Letter of the General Secretary for Legal Affairs and Legal Counsel of the United Nations, Hans Corell, 2002).
WHY I AM PRESENTING THIS PETITION;
Throughout the last few months, I have been organising solidarity intiatives for several causes related to conflict resolution and human rights for refugees and stateless nations. This is why I chose to advocate for the cause of the Sahrawi people amongst other causes of similar nations,
Through my activism for a free Western Sahara, I have had the opportunity to get to know Sahrawi refugees in Tindouf, Algeria and their diaspora, Sahrawis who live under Morocco’s oppressive occupation in Western Sahara and representatives from the POLISARIO Front through their branches, embassies and delegations. I also had the chance to meet with non-governmental organisations and voluntary organisations who provide support for Sahrawi refugees through humanitarian work in refugee camps in Algeria, awareness campaigns, fundraising and activism for the Sahrawi cause.
I aim to spread further awareness about the plight of the Sahrawi refugees here in Malta. Through a successful fundraising campaign amongst my peers, I collected funds for the construction of a school located in the refugee camps in Algeria.
The situation of Sahrawis in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara and in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps is one of great concern. Various international human rights organisations, including Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have regularly referred to the serious human rights violations on Sahrawis due to Morocco’s military occupation rule in the occupied Western Sahara. Amongst these grave violations, they refer to the lack of freedom of expression, arrests of political activists without a fair trail, the suppression of journalism, the violent crackdown of protests, the forced disappearances and torture of dissidents and the discovery of mass-graves; which are a testimony of Morocco’s grave war crimes committed during the Western Sahara War (1975-1991). These included the deliberate bombing of civilians with prohibited weapons such as white phosphorus and napalm.
Morocco’s persecution of the Sahrawi people is not solely limited to political activities. It involves attempts at erasing the Sahrawi national identity and their Hassaniya culture, by spreading false narratives about Sahrawi history and prohibiting aspects of Sahrawi culture, such as the Hassaniya Arabic dialect and the traditional tent (‘haima’).
The situation in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps based in Tindouf, Algeria, is also very precarious. Recent developments, such as the mass-displacement of tens of thousands of Sahrawis from the Liberated Territories (the POLISARIO-controlled zone) has further worsen the humanitarian situation in the camps; due to the growth of the population in areas that are already experiencing overcrowding, extreme weather conditions and the lack of basic humanitarian supplies and necessities.
It should be noted that more than 88% of Sahrawi refugees are either experiencing or at risk of suffering from food insecurity, it is estimated that around 11% of Sahrawi infants are suffering from malnutrition due to the lack of food supplies and that more than 60% of Sahrawis are economically inactive; thus meaning that they are exclusively dependent on receiving the limited humanitarian aid that is being provided to them by the World Food Programme and the UNHCR (United Nations High Commission for Refugees).
Morocco’s recent aggressive actions, such as drone attacks, killing 80 Sahrawi civilians in 2023, have brought further escalation and destabilisation; negatively impacting the well-being of Sahrawis.
Morocco’s decision to illegally expand its presence into the United Nation’s buffer zone in Gueguerat by forcefully dispersing Sahrawi protesters on the border with Mauritania in November 2020, has meant a violation the 1991 ceasefire agreement, which lead to the resumption of the armed conflict between Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, leading to casualties and mass-displacements.
It should be noted that Morocco has repeatedly refused to cooperate to pursue a resolution for the Western Sahara dispute through a referendum which is to grant the Sahrawi people the ability to exercise their right to self-determination which is guaranteed by the United Nations through various resolutions in both the General Assembly and the Security Council. The right to self-determination has also been recognised by the International Court of Justice in 1975; which refused to accept Morocco and Mauritania’s territorial claims on the basis that these did not excercise sovereignty on the territory during Spanish colonisation in 1884. This therefore confirms the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination which can only be exercised through a popular referendum which was the basis for the 1991 ceasefire agreement agreed upon between Morocco and the POLISARIO Front.
Despite Morocco’s promises of respecting the 1991 ceasefire agreement, instead it has blocked any attempts for holding a popular referendum amongst the Sahrawi population, despite that a census was already completed by MINURSO; the United Nations Mission for a Referendum in Western Sahara. In violation of international law, particularly Article 49 of the Geneva Convention, Morocco has transferred Moroccan civilians into the occupied territory to cause a demographical change in the occupied Western Sahara. This has caused disagreements between both parties, since Morocco refuses to accept the MINURSO census and demands the inclusion of Moroccan settlers who have no connection to the Sahrawis and that were only transferred after Morocco’s invasion, military occupation and illegal annexation in 1975.
Evidently, the United Nations and the international community have failed to stop Morocco’s illegal occupation and its human rights violations, and have done negligible effort or diplomatic pressure to force it to adhere to international law and to previous United Nations resolutions about the territory. The Security Council has failed to ensure a human rights mandate for MINURSO and to organise the planned referendum in the territory.
However, the international community’s failures in protecting the Sahrawi people’s fundamental right to self-determination does not mean that this right should simply be ignored, and substituted with a solution that does not give the Sahrawi people the opportunity to excercise the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination; such as the so-called Moroccan Autonomy Proposal, which envisions limited autonomy for the Sahrawis but explicitly rules out the possibility of self-determination.
One should note that Morocco has no jurisdiction to enforce any rule, whether it includes autonomy or not, over Western Sahara. This is due to the lack of an internationally recognised hand over of Spanish administration. Even if one considers the internationally unrecognised Madrid Agreement as a treaty which transferred administration from Spain to Morocco, it should be noted that the treaty did not hand over Morocco any sovereignty over the territory, and was only considered to be by Spain as a temporary transfer of rule. Thus, it can be affirmed that Morocco has no legally recognised jurisdiction over the territory which grants it the ability to enforce autonomy under its sovereignty for the Sahrawi people. A referendum is necessary to settle the status of the territory.
A map of the disputed territory of Western Sahara. Currently, 80% of the territory is illegaly occupied by Morocco, while the remaining 20% is under the control of the POLISARIO Front.
WHAT THE PETITION IS CALLING FOR;
The petition is calling for the Maltese government, through the Ministry of Foreign of Affairs to begin to reconsider its support for the Autonomy Plan prepared by Morocco, given that this proposal violates the principles of previous United Nations resolutions and international law. This is due to the plan’s explicit elimination of the possibility of a referendum and therefore ignores the Sahrawi people’s right to exercise their self-determination.
A year ago, in June 2023, Malta's Foreign Minister Ian Borg visited Morocco, where he reiterated Malta's support for the Western Sahara Autonomy Proposal, proposed by Morocco as a resolution to the ongoing Western Sahara conflict. While it may seem to be a reasonable solution on paper, the reality is that the proposal denies the Sahrawi people the ability to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination which is guaranteed to them by a series of United Nations resolutions, including resolution 34/37, which was approved by Malta during a vote in the General Assembly, and international court rulings; including the 1975 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice and European Court of Justice rulings.Therefore, the petition is expressing disagreement with the Maltese government's handling of its foreign policy by recognising Morocco's illegal occupation of Western Sahara through its support for the Moroccan position on the conflict. As a "neutral state’’ we believe that Malta should have consulted the POLISARIO Front; representatives of the native Sahrawi people, before it took such a the decision of supporting the Autonomy Plan.
It is important to remember that foreign policy decisions will directly affect the lives of the Sahrawi people; particularly those in the occupied territory or who live as refugees and had to flee the territory due to the Western Sahara War or due to the ongoing political persecution against the Sahrawi pro-independence movement. If the Maltese government is supporting the Autonomy Plan, it is doing so without considering that the status of Western Sahara is yet to be decided and that no treaty has formally handed over Morocco the sovereignty that it need before it could even propose any plan which would enforce any rule, with or without autonomy, under the sovereignty of Morocco in Western Sahara. The plan disregards international law and is not compatible with the United Nations’ planned process of decolonisation.
Malta should promote a peaceful solution to the conflict in Western Sahara that respects the right of self-determination for the Sahrawis.
Back in the year 1979, Malta was among the few countries from the Western world that voted in favour of the granting of self-determination to the Sahrawi people in UN Resolution 34/37, that was presented on this subject in the General Assembly. In recent years, our country even welcomed informal talks between the representatives of the Saharawi people and the Moroccan government, and continued to consistently declare support for the granting of self-determination to Western Sahara and its people. This position is compatible with that of the United Nations regarding this conflict. The international position is that Western Sahara is a territory awaiting to be decolonised.
When the tensions between the Sahrawi people and the Moroccan occupiers in the territory started to escalate again during the Gueguerat Crisis of November 2020, the Maltese Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared in an official statement the following position about the status of the territory of Western Sahara and about our country’s stance regarding this conflict:
‘’Malta’s position on Western Sahara remains unchanged: a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara, in line with international law. In this regard, Malta continues to support the United Nations-led process.” - (November 2020).
It seems, however, that this fair and correct position according to international law has now been abandoned and, instead, replaced by a position in favour of the continuation of the Moroccan presence in the Western Sahara. Last year, the same Ministry for Foreign Affairs expressed political support for a proposal put forward by the Moroccan government in order to formally annex the occupied territory to the rest of Morocco. This proposal, which is known as the ‘Western Sahara Autonomy Proposal’ denies the Sahrawi people the possibility of acquiring their full independence, as the Moroccan government is only proposing to provide them with limited autonomy. This proposal is unacceptable to all those who believe in the most fundamental human rights, as it does not recognise the true ambitions and of the Sahrawi people regarding their future; as it denies them access to self-determination.
During a visit to Morocco in June 2023, in which a number of trade agreements were finalised between Malta and Morocco, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ian Borg, reiterated Malta’s support for the proposal put forward by the Moroccan government regarding the conflict in Western Sahara. At a press conference with the Moroccan Foreign Minister, Hon. Borg declared the following about the Moroccan proposal:
“Malta considers the autonomy plan presented by Morocco as a serious and credible contribution to the definitive resolution of the Sahara issue.” - (June 2023).
Evidently, this statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs differs from what the same Ministry had declared three years earlier. There is a need for the Maltese government to clarify its position regarding the Western Sahara conflict, as the statement of the year 2020 and the statement of the year 2023 are in contradiction to each other. It is unacceptable that the position of the Maltese government has changed in such a way as to deny the Sahrawi people the possibility of acquiring their independence and decolonisation from the oppressive, illegal Moroccan occupation.
By accepting the Moroccan position, Malta is ignoring that Morocco’s sovereignty has no legal backing due to the lack of a recognised treaty which handed over the territory’s administration and given that the territory is still awaiting a process of decolonisation under international law. Even if Malta is seeking a solution based on compromise rather than international law, and is seeking to accept the status-quo by not pursuing a solution that brings about any change to the territory’s administration, one should not ignore that there are many other problems, other than legal ones, which make the Moroccan position not viable as a definitive solution to the conflict.
One should not ignore the fact that there are serious human rights abuses and ongoing, violent political persecution in occupied Western Sahara which are threatening to eliminate the Sahrawi nation through forced assimilation and the denial of Sahrawi culture and identity. The Moroccan plan does not address these realities, and given Morocco’s track record, should it be trusted with ensuring the preservation of Sahrawi culture and identity? Under occupation, Sahrawis are denied equal treatment to Moroccans, as seen in cases of marginalisation in employment and housing.
In order to be compliant with the principles of recognising the rights of colonised nations, the Maltese government has to adopt a fairer position in line with international law. This can be done by;
a) withdrawing its support for the Moroccan government’s proposal;
b) declaring unconditional support for the granting of self-determination to the Sahrawis by calling for organising a fair, popular referendum;
c) adopting the positions taken by the United Nations and the International Court of Justice rather than unilaterally supporting the proposals of a party to the conflict;
d) establishing diplomatic relations with the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic;
e) clarify that Malta does not consider the proposal by Morocco as the only basis for the resolution of the Western Sahara dispute.
g) engaging in dialogue with the POLISARIO Front.
h) hosting another round of peace talks in Malta.
CLOSING REMARKS.
I will take this opportunity to thank the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic for supporting me and trusting me to represent them with the Maltese government. I also express my gratitude to the POLISARIO Front and its representatives, and the aforementioned individuals and organisations who showed support towards this petition and towards my initiatives in solidarity with the people of Western Sahara.
Thank you Prime Minister of Malta, Hon. Robert Abela, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hon. Ian Borg and the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for accepting to discuss this petition, despite any possible divergence in our opinions about the conflict. I will remain committed in continuing to represent the Sahrawi people’s cause in Malta.
To conclude, I hope that the Maltese government, especially at time when Hon. Ian Borg presides over the Presidency of the OCSE, with Malta also being a temporary member of the United Nations Security Council, will use this time to call and work for a diplomatic resolution to the Western Sahara dispute that respects the rights of the Sahrawis.
Niżżel kopja ta' din il-petizzjoni:
(Din il-petizzjoni ġiet ippreżentata waqt laqgħa lill-Ministru tal-Affarijiet Barranin, l-Onor. Ian Borg, illum; l-Erbgħa, 10 ta' Lulju 2024.)
Inżomm il-bandiera tar-Repubblika Demokratika Saħrawi-Għarbija barra l-Ministeru tal-Affarijiet Barranin ftit mumenti wara li ppreżentajt u ressaqt il-petizzjoni lill-istess Ministeru.
Sahara Occidental Libre!
Viva La Resistencia!
الصحراء الغربية الحرة!
عاشت المقاومة!
AGĦTI D-DONAZZJONI TIEGĦEK SABIEX
TEĦLES L-AĦĦAR KOLONJA FL-AFRIKA.
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